In the light of the revocation of Madan Dulloo as Ministre des Affaires Étrangères et du Commerce International by the Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam, Mauritians should look at our Westminster system of government and consider whether or not the Prime Minister made the proper decision.

The Prime Minister
The system of government in Mauritius is based on the Westminster parliamentary model. Under the Mauritian system, the Prime Minister is the presiding and actual Head of the government as well as the head of the Executive.  In the absence of a King, Queen or Governor General, the Head of State is the President, who is ‘elected’ by pre-arrangement by the representatives of the people.  In other types of democracies, the President is elected directly by the people.  The government is run via Ministers who form part of the Cabinet presided by the PM.  In principle, there is no difference between the PM and the other Ministers and they are considered as equals.  But, historically, a Prime Minister is referred to as Primus inter pares, which is Latin for « First among equals ». This means that the Prime Minister is the most senior of all the cabinet Ministers sharing the same rank or office. The PM has power to select and dismiss other members of the Cabinet, and can even allocate posts to members within his government.

Convention of collective responsibility of Ministers
Collective ministerial responsibility is neither created nor explained in any statute or the constitution. It is a convention.  Originally, Cabinet was a meeting of the monarch’s individual Ministers. The monarch was the Prime Minister of the era.  The Cabinet was the most effective institution where ministers « exerted their collective influence and develop their solidarity ».  « From this grew the practice of the government submitting unified advice to the monarch, without indication of any internal dissent. » [Research Paper 04/82, 15 November 2004 – House of Commons Library].  Although unanimity is a constitutional fiction, it is maintained under the « confidentiality principle » in allowing frank ministerial discussion within Cabinet and Government.  The most fundamental aspect of this doctrine is that « A Minister must not vote against government policy ». A Minister must not speak against government policy either.  Flouting the Cabinet is expected to lead to immediate dismissal if the Minister does not resign.  Michael Haseltine resigned from the Cabinet in 1986 over the Westland Affair.  Robin Cooke did not agree with the Cabinet decision to invade Iraq; he resigned from the Cabinet in 2003. An extended application of the convention is that Ministers are bound by decisions of the Cabinet even where the Minister has no part in the discussion or decision.  This convention makes no provision for a Minister to depart from collective responsibility where it is alleged that the Minister’s ‘delegates’ have expressed dissatisfaction with government’s policies and decisions. Party delegates do not appoint Ministers.

The case of Madan Dulloo
Madan Dulloo is a lawyer himself. As he rightly pointed out, he does not need any lesson on the convention of Ministerial responsibility (and the Ministerial Code).  He is the leader of the MMSM (Le Mouvement Militant Socialiste Mauricien), said to be a splinter group of the MSM (Mouvement Socialiste Mauricien) then led by Sir Anerood Jugnauth (now President).  The MMSM forms part of the Social Alliance government under Navin Ramgoolam as PM and leader of the Parti Travailliste.  The PM appointed the leader of the MMSM Madan Dulloo Ministre des Affaires Étrangères et du Commerce International. The MSM is in opposition in alliance with the MMM (Movement Militant Mauricien) led by Paul Bérenger who is the leader of the opposition.

Mr Dulloo states that the National Committee, comprising of 160 delegates, has been meeting every Sunday in view of the 13th anniversary of the MMSM to be held at the Octave Wiehé on 13th April 2008.  At the last meeting on Sunday 16th March 2008, Mr Dulloo also states that thedelegates (157 of them) had expressed their « dissatisfaction » with the government and the Prime Minister.  The delegates have also allegedly given him « carte blanche » to « negotiate with other parties ».  Since Mr Dulloo himself accuses the Parti Travailliste of « begging » for an alliance with the MSM, presently in opposition, those ‘other parties’ can only realistically mean the MMM of Paul Bérenger, leader of the opposition alliance (MMM/MSM).  According to l’Express, 18th March 2008, Mr Dulloo told them on the 16th March that « toutes les options sont ouvertes », the same words he used when he was revoked in 1994 as Agriculture Minister in Sir Anerood’s government.

Mr Dulloo does not appear to have done anything to alleviate the concerns of his delegates. He does not appear to have defended the government’s policies nor reassured his delegates of his solidarity with the government and the Prime Minister who appointed him to his Cabinet and relied on his loyalty.  In fact, he made known, directly or indirectly, his pressing need to take up his delegates’ « dissatisfaction » (not concerns or questions)  directly with the Prime Minister by declaring that all his options are open to contract alliances with other parties.  The Prime Minister decided that Madan Dulloo’s behaviour amounted to « blackmail » and a serious breach of collective responsibility and revoked him on 17th March 2008.

After his revocation, Mr Dulloo confirmed the Prime Minister’s suspicions about him when he speaks of « le bilan du gouvernement n’est pas eloquent », of his « friendship » with Paul Bérenger, leader of the opposition alliance, of his « disagreement » with the Prime Minister and other members of the government. 

Government business is serious business. Would Madan Dulloo have come to a different decision if he were in the Prime Minister’s shoes?

M Rafic Soormally

London